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Brégand, Denise. -- Commerce caravanier et relations sociales au Bénin. L...
Brégand, Denise. -- Commerce
caravanier et relations sociales au
Bénin. Les Wangara du Borgou. ParisMontréal, L'Harmattan, 1998, 272 p.,
cartes, bibl. (« Sociétés africaines et
diaspora »).
David C. Conrad
The problem of definitively identifying the merchants of sub-Saharan West Africa who
are collectively known as "Wangara" has engaged the interest of scholars from the
times of the Arab chroniclers to modern historians like Nehemia Levtzion, Ivor Wilks,
and Paul Lovejoy. The Wangara have long been identified with the early Muslim
commercial networks of Ghana, Mali and their neighbors, and "Wangara" also came to
signify corporate groupe controlling the external trace farther east in Songhay, the
Volta basin, and the Hausa citystates. Denise Brégand begins this book with a
comprehensive overview of Wangara history and goes on to provide new insights into
their activities in the caravan commerce of Borgou (chapters I & II). Brégand employs
perspectives from the entire corpus of written sources combined with her own
extensive fieldwork in Benin to focus on Borgou. Profiting from commerce in gold, salt,
kola, slaves and horses, Borgou was the center of a vast precolonial network of crisscrossing trade routes that were key to the rise and fall of early sudanic polities.
Describing "les quartiers Wangara" (chap. III), the author provides brief histories
focusing on the Wangara communities in Borgou's principal trading centers of Djougou,
Kandi, Nikki and Parakou. Outlining the internal structures of these urban enclaves, the
author discusses Islamic influences and political dynamics of the power structure,
which in the case of Parakou lead to an interesting discussion of the relations between
the imam and the Ba Kparakpe or hereditary leader of the local Wangara population,
who is appointed by the secular chief. In this context, Brégand affirms that social
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tensions involving the Islamic fundamentalist wahhâbiyya movement are present in
Borgou, just as they are in Muslim-influenced communities across sub-Saharan West
Africa. The author provides additional perspectives on related issues such as the
sociological factors influencing the distinctive architectural character of the Wangara
quarter in Parakou (pp. 92-93), and circumstances of female power involving the Ya
Okpe, who exercices the hereditary function of overseeing women's prenuptial
purification rituals (p. 96).
Students of the Mande world will be particularly interested in Bregand's exploration of
Mande jamuw (clan names or family identifies) among the Wangara of Borgou. These
include the Traore, Cisse, Ture, Sylla, Fofana, and Kumate (Konate), as well as a group
identified by the name Mande. Brégand's investigation contributes significantly to our
knowledge of the Mande presence in Songhay territory, and of the more extended
diaspora as far east as the Sokoto Caliphate. Here the depth of coverage varies a good
deal, partly owing to the abundance of oral tradition for some (e.g. Traore, Ture) and its
scarcity for others, especially the Fofana. Brégand avers that she is primarily interested
in migratory movements, not ethnic origins (p. 112), which perhaps accounts for the
fact that some points of this discussion involving cultural perspective might have been
developed a bit more than they were. For example, the Sylla are normally identified by
informants in the Mande heartland of southern Mali and northeastern Guinea as being
of the five mori (marabout) lineages originating in Wagadu, but Brégand reveals that in
Borgou the Sylla refer to themselves, and are thought of by others, as Fulani (Mande
Fula). Brégand mentions two possible hypotheses as to why this might be so, but both
are based on the assumption that the Wangara Sylla of Borgou are originally Fula who
carry a Mande jamu (p. 110). This might be the case with some lines of descent, but it
would have been interesting to see Brégand speculate on other possibilities based on
her extensive research in this area. For example, one must ask if somewhere during the
long route of dispersion, these could not have been a melding of Maninka moriw with
Fula muslims, e.g. among those who arrived via Bornu and/or Kaogi in present-day
Nigeria. Such speculation should take into account the now familiar fact that so-called
"ethnic" identities are closely tied to occupation, whereby according to Mande (e.g.
Bamana, Maninka) perspective, a farmer can become a "fula" simply by turning to
cattle-herding.
One of the most engaging chapters (V) describes the economic and social relationships
of the Wasangari and the Wangara. In addition to being prime raiders of caravans,
Wasangari horsemen of Borgou conducted razzias that produced large numbers of
slaves to be exchanged for the horses they required, while the Wangara who dealt in
horses among other coveted goods, "étaient la classe esclavagiste par excellence". Thus,
observes Brégand, "Wasangari et Wangara étaient imbriqués dans des systèmes
complémentaires" (p. 136). In the same chapter, Brégand discusses the role of the alfas
who supply Wasangari with magical amulets containing Quranic verses to assure
success in battle, pillage, and capturing slaves. Aware of similar practices elsewhere in
West Africa, the author expresses interest in whether or not some of the ones she
discovered are particular to Muslims in Borgou. Indeed, an excellent comparison would
be with practices originating much nearer to the original Wangara homeland: in the
Mande regions from Jenne in Mali southward into northeastern Guinea, Manden moriw
and traditional diviners prepare amulets called nasiw and other protective devices that
are designed for purposes very similar to those found in Borgou.
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Discussing Islam vis-à-vis indigenous ritual and belief in Borgou (chap. VI), Brégand
takes into account oral tradition from the bards known as gesere, along with her other
sources. Gesere are the Soninke equivalent of the Mande jeliw, all of whom are among
the West African oral specialists collectively referred to as "griots". At least some
ancestors of the gesere apparently arrived in Borgou after centuries of peregrinations
via the Mali and Songhay empires. In West African sudanic populations long influenced
by Islam, it is common for the oral traditions to attach extra spiritual power and
political prestige to the most distinguished lineages with claims that their founding
ancestors originated in Arabia, Yemen, or Misr (Egypt), often identifying them as active
participants in the life and times of the prophet Muhammad. Brégand points out that
the tradition of Wasangari origine runs directly counter to the normal trend, claiming
that their collective ancestor Kisira fled from somewhere near Mecca because he had
refused Islam (p. 151). In considering the possible significance of the fact that "les
références à l'islam ne sont citées que pour dire que Kisira l'a refusé", Brégand
supports the view that oral traditions are adjusted over time to suit new socio-cultural
developments and legitimize the ascendancy of various power groupe, in this case the
Wasangari. In the event of any future consideration of this material, one could suggest
a course of inquiry based on the acknowledged gesere connection with Songhay: it
might be useful to explore possible links between gesere (and Wasangari) perceptions of
the anti-Islamic Kisira with rural pagan Songhay traditions recalling the great imperial
conqueror Sunni Ali Ber (1464-1492) as the "sorcerer king" in contrast to the urban
Muslim populations' rejoicing in the pious reign of Askiya Muhammed Ture
(1493-1528). In any case, Brégand subsequently suggests an interesting correspondence
between Kisira's refusal of Islam and a custom at the town of Nikki, which is central to
the Wasangari system. She reports that despite Muslim cultural domination in
neighboring areas, they were unable to modify the traditional ritual of the
enthronement of a new Sinaboko or king of Nikki: "Le tronc du Sinaboko reste du
domaine exclusif de la culture des Wasangari, et l'islam ne s'est pas immiscé dans les
rituels traditionnels." And she points out that "cette fermeté dans la fidélité aux
ancêtres et aux cultes conforte la thèse du refus de l'islam par les Wasangari" (p. 165).
In the same chapter, further attesting to Brégand's talent for introducing provocative
elements into her study, is the section involving the relationship between Muslims and
traditional spiritualists in rituel power quests. The author's overview of the most
important Baatombu fête, the sokoru, which marks the beginning of the new year,
describes practices involving fire rituals that may or may not be pre-Islamic (there are
counterparts in other Islam-influence societies). These fire rituals resonate with
fragmentary references in Mande oral tradition, the significance of which might to
some degree be illuminated by Brégand's study of the much more distinct ritual
survivals in Borgou. The author concludes this chapter with a section in which she
presents several fascinating examples of syncretism in Mokollé territory north of
Kandi, e.g., she describes one case where "une tombe de musulman a été transformée
en lieu sacré d'un culte préislamique" (p. 174).
In chapter VII, Brégand adds to the usefulness of her study for historians by expanding
her scope to include other West African commercial groups, acknowledging that
despite having had similar origins the various ones subsequently evolved according to
their individual internal dynamics (p. 179). She elaborates on the differences through a
fascinating comparison of the relations between traders and chiefs in various market
centers including Kong, Wa, Buna, and Bobo-Dioulasso. The author illuminates internal
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power issues by comparing the roles played (or not played) by Muslims (representing
the commercial elite) during rituals of royal enthronement and burial in the different
commercial centers. She finds it significant, for example, that in Gonja and Kpembe,
Muslim clerics play leading roles in treatment of the royal corpse, whereas no such
thing is allowed in rituals accompanying the Mossi king's death: "Si la présence des
représentants des musulmans est fréquente dans les rites qui accompagnent la mort du
roi, ils ne participent pas partout aux rituels du pouvoir" (p. 185).
In Brégand's final chapters she continues her pursuit of new perspectives on the
commercial dynamics of Borgou into modern times, seeking to determine if and how
traditional commercial activities have been carried on by descendants of the early
Wangara, how they have been affected by changing economic conditions, and how all of
these factors continue to be influenced by Islam. In this book Denise Brégand combines
effective anthropological strategies and well-grounded historical awareness with
innovative field-research and insightful analysis to produce an important contribution
to our knowledge of the social dynamics and historical framework of sub-Saharan
West-Africa's commercial networks.
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